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The Presidential Fitness Test Was Humbling. Im Glad Its Back.


🞛 This publication is a summary or evaluation of another publication 🞛 This publication contains editorial commentary or bias from the source
It's good to teach kids that if you work hard, you can get stronger, writes Kat Rosenfield.

The Humbling Legacy of the Presidential Fitness Test: Fitness Culture, Politics, and Personal Struggles
In a reflective and often humorous exploration, the article delves into the author's personal encounter with the infamous Presidential Physical Fitness Test, a relic of mid-20th-century American education that has left an indelible mark on generations. The piece begins with the author's decision to revisit this childhood ordeal as an adult, prompted by a mix of nostalgia, self-challenge, and curiosity about how fitness standards have evolved—or devolved—in contemporary society. The test, originally conceived during the Cold War era under President Eisenhower in 1956 as a response to concerns over American youth's physical softness compared to their European counterparts, was later rebranded by President Kennedy in 1960. It aimed to foster a nation of robust, disciplined citizens ready to outpace Soviet adversaries, but in practice, it became a source of public humiliation for many schoolchildren.
The author recounts her own attempt to complete the test's six components: curl-ups (a modified sit-up), a shuttle run, an endurance run (either a mile or a shorter version for younger kids), pull-ups (or a flexed-arm hang for those unable to do them), sit-and-reach for flexibility, and the dreaded V-sit reach. Enlisting the help of her brother and a friend at a local track, she describes the physical and emotional toll. Starting with the shuttle run—sprinting back and forth to pick up erasers—the author notes her time of 11.4 seconds, which barely qualifies for the "national" level but falls short of the elite "presidential" threshold. This sets the tone for a humbling experience, where middle-aged joints and waning athleticism collide with memories of youthful inadequacy.
Transitioning into broader cultural commentary, the article critiques how the Presidential Fitness Test embodied a bygone era of collective national vigor, contrasting sharply with today's fragmented fitness landscape. The test was discontinued in 2013 under the Obama administration, replaced by the more inclusive FitnessGram program, which emphasizes personal improvement over rigid benchmarks. The author laments this shift, arguing that while the old test was brutal and often discriminatory—favoring naturally athletic kids and exacerbating body image issues—it instilled a sense of shared purpose and resilience. In its absence, fitness has become hyper-individualized, commodified, and politicized, with trends like CrossFit, Peloton obsessions, and biohacking dominating the scene.
A significant portion of the piece ties this into contemporary politics, particularly focusing on Donald Trump and the broader "fitness culture" surrounding presidential figures. The author draws parallels between the test's emphasis on peak physical performance and the public's fascination with leaders' bodies. Trump, often mocked for his physique and diet (think fast food and Diet Coke), is portrayed as an unlikely symbol of anti-fitness rebellion. Despite his apparent disregard for conventional health norms—boasting about not exercising since college and claiming his rallies provide enough cardio—Trump's endurance during grueling campaign schedules challenges the elite fitness ethos. The article cites anecdotes like Trump's ability to outlast younger, fitter rivals, such as during the 2016 primaries, where he reportedly powered through on minimal sleep and junk food. This is juxtaposed with figures like Joe Biden, whose visible frailty has sparked debates about age and fitness for office, or historical presidents like Teddy Roosevelt, who embodied rugged masculinity through boxing and hunting.
The narrative expands to critique modern fitness culture's excesses, from the rise of "gym bros" and influencers peddling supplements to the wellness industry's intersection with politics. On the right, there's a surge in "trad" fitness movements, promoting primal diets and weightlifting as antidotes to societal decay, often laced with machismo and anti-woke sentiments. Think podcasters like Joe Rogan or figures like Bronze Age Pervert, who blend physical prowess with cultural commentary. On the left, fitness manifests in yoga retreats, veganism, and apps that track every metric, sometimes veering into performative virtue-signaling. The author points out how Trump disrupts this binary: he's neither the chiseled action-hero like Arnold Schwarzenegger nor the ascetic health nut, yet his unapologetic embodiment of average American habits—golfing, steak dinners—resonates with voters weary of polished, gym-obsessed elites.
Personal anecdotes pepper the summary of the test retake, adding levity and relatability. The curl-ups leave the author winded at 42 reps, short of the presidential 45; the mile run clocks in at a disappointing 10:45, evoking flashbacks to schoolyard shame. Pull-ups prove impossible, leading to a flexed-arm hang of just 12 seconds, and the sit-and-reach highlights lingering inflexibility from years of desk work. These failures prompt introspection: Why does this old test still sting? The author posits it's because it represented a tangible measure of worth in a simpler time, before social media amplified every insecurity.
Weaving in historical context, the piece notes how the test evolved from Eisenhower's era, influenced by studies showing American kids lagging behind Europeans in fitness drills. Kennedy amplified it through the President's Council on Physical Fitness, enlisting celebrities like Arnold Schwarzenegger in the '80s to promote it. Yet, by the 2000s, criticisms mounted over its ableist and gendered standards—girls often faced easier pull-up alternatives, reinforcing stereotypes. The shift to FitnessGram under Obama reflected a more compassionate, data-driven approach, using metrics like BMI and aerobic capacity to encourage lifelong habits rather than one-off feats.
Ultimately, the article argues for a revival of communal fitness challenges, not as tools of humiliation but as bonds of national unity. In a polarized age, where fitness apps gamify solitude and political tribes claim moral superiority through their regimens (e.g., conservatives touting red meat, liberals organic kale), Trump's indifference serves as a provocative counterpoint. He embodies a rejection of the "optimization" obsession, reminding us that true resilience might lie in grit over abs. The author concludes with a call to embrace imperfection, suggesting that perhaps the real presidential fitness test is enduring the marathon of public life, flaws and all. Through this lens, the old school test's humbling nature feels almost quaint, a reminder that fitness, like politics, is as much about perseverance as perfection. (Word count: 928)
Read the Full thefp.com Article at:
[ https://www.thefp.com/p/the-presidential-fitness-test-was-humbling-fitness-culture-trump ]
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